HyreElectrical

Original research · Electrification

The Homes Most Likely to Need an Upgrade Are the Least Able to Pay for One

Two earlier studies here counted the hazard-era housing stock and its renters. Neither could say whether the households living in it are the ones already struggling to pay for power. The federal household energy survey asks that directly.

Updated September 6, 2026 · Data as of 6 September 2026

Written by HyreElectrical Research Desk Primary-source research and fact checking

27.2% of US households reported energy insecurity, EIA RECS 2020
29.4% in hazard-era homes vs 25.1% outside the 1950–1989 window
8x income gradient 58.0% under $5,000/yr to 7.2% at $150,000+/yr
2x renters vs owners 41.0% of renters, 20.4% of owners

The finding

In the Energy Information Administration’s 2020 Residential Energy Consumption Survey, 33.58 million US households — 27.2 per cent of the 123.53 million RECS covers — reported at least one form of household energy insecurity: reducing or forgoing food or medicine to pay an energy bill, leaving home at an unsafe temperature, or receiving a disconnection or delivery-stop notice. Cross-tabbed against the 1950–1989 construction-era window this site’s hazard-era panel study already defined for Federal Pacific and Zinsco installations, homes of that era report energy insecurity at 29.4 per cent, against 25.1 per cent for homes outside it: real, but modest, and the break in the data is at 1990, not at the panel-hazard years. Two other cross-tabs from the same table show far sharper gaps. By income, the rate runs from 58.0 per cent of households earning under $5,000 a year down to 7.2 per cent of those earning $150,000 or more. By tenure, renters report energy insecurity at 41.0 per cent against 20.4 per cent for owners. These are three separate single-variable federal cross-tabs, not one joint result, so this page cannot give a verified percentage for "low-income renters in hazard-era homes". What the three cuts do show is that the population reporting energy insecurity most often, renters and lower-income households of every tenure, is the population this site’s earlier work found least able to authorise or fund the repair.

Read this before you use any number on this page

The Residential Energy Consumption Survey asks a national sample of households directly whether they experienced each issue in the past 12 months, then publishes the results as pre-built cross-tabulations against roughly thirty household and housing characteristics — one characteristic at a time. There is no public RECS table that crosses year built, income and tenure together against energy insecurity in a single cell. Every finding below is a separate cross-tab from EIA’s own Table HC11.1, not a joint statistical model, and this page never states a number as if it answered a question the public data cannot answer.

"Any household energy insecurity" is EIA’s own defined term, not this site’s. EIA states it plainly in the table’s own footnote: it "includes only those issues collected as part of the RECS questionnaire. Other factors, such as energy costs as a percentage of household income, could be considered as household energy insecurity, but they are not included here." A household can report more than one issue, which is why the "any" column is smaller than the sum of the specific ones.

This page uses none of HyreElectrical’s own contractor records. Every figure is EIA or, where cited, Census federal data. The 1950–1989 window is reused from this site’s own earlier study rather than re-derived, and that study’s ACS universe — 142.33 million total housing units — is not the same population as RECS’s 123.53 million occupied primary homes, which excludes vacant, seasonal, second, military and group-quarters units. The two surveys’ percentages are reported separately and never pooled into one figure.

Two studies that could not say who lives in the stock they counted

HyreElectrical’s hazard-era panel study counted 67,068,006 US housing units built 1950–1989, the years Federal Pacific and Zinsco load centres were on the market. Its follow-up on tenure found that 21,710,304 of the occupied ones are rented, and that a tenant in one of them has no legal standing to order the panel replaced. Neither study could say whether the household actually living in that stock is one already struggling to pay for energy at all — Census ACS, the source for both, does not ask.

The Department of Energy’s own electrification research states the constraint plainly: "upgrading panels is not always feasible — especially for low-income families." That is a programme-level observation, not a measurement. HYRE analysis. The one federal instrument built to measure it directly is RECS, which interviews households about their own financial experience with energy costs rather than inferring it from housing age. Cross-tabbing its energy-insecurity questions against the characteristics this site’s earlier studies already established — construction era and, by extension, tenure — is the natural next cut, and nobody appears to have published it against this specific hazard-era framing before.

The construction-era cross-tab: real, and not where you might expect it

Any household energy insecurity, by year of construction, vs the 27.2% national rate0Before 195029.4%1950 to 195929.6%1960 to 196930.7%1970 to 197929.9%1980 to 198927.7%1990 to 199923.8%2000 to 200922.3%2010 to 201524.2%2016 to 202021.1%US Energy Information Administration, 2020 RECS, Table HC11.1, retrieved 6 September 2026. Bars show each band’s "Anyhousehold energy insecurity" rate minus the national rate.
Every RECS year-built band’s energy-insecurity rate, shown as points above or below the 27.2% national rate. The break is at 1990, not at the 1950–1989 hazard-era window specifically. HyreElectrical calculation from US Energy Information Administration, 2020 RECS, Table HC11.1, retrieved 6 September 2026.

Summing RECS’s four year-built rows inside the 1950–1989 window: 17.62 million of the 59.88 million occupied homes in that era report at least one form of energy insecurity — 29.4 per cent (relative standard error 1.9 per cent on the summed estimate, computed as the root sum of squares of the four component RSEs, the same method this site’s ACS studies use for a derived sum). Outside that window — everything built before 1950 or after 1989 — the rate is 15.96 million of 63.65 million, or 25.1 per cent.

HYRE analysis, and the honest complication. The gap is real but it is not the sharpest cut available, and it is not unique to the specific years this site’s panel-hazard study cares about. Homes built before 1950 — outside the FPE/Zinsco installation era entirely — report energy insecurity at 29.4 per cent, statistically indistinguishable from the 1950–1989 window itself. What actually separates the data is a line at 1990: every decade band built earlier runs 27.7 to 30.7 per cent, and every band from 1990 onward runs 21.1 to 24.2 per cent. A page that reported only the 1950–1989 number against "everything else" would flatten this pattern; publishing all nine bands is the only honest way to show it.

Every construction-era band, all four core measures

Year builtOccupied unitsAny insecurityForgo food/medicineUnhealthy temperatureDisconnect notice
Before 195020.26M5.96M (29.4%)4.16M (20.5%)2.43M (12.0%)2.26M (11.2%)
1950 to 195912.48M3.70M (29.6%)2.60M (20.8%)1.39M (11.1%)1.31M (10.5%)
1960 to 196912.76M3.92M (30.7%)2.92M (22.9%)1.29M (10.1%)1.52M (11.9%)
1970 to 197918.34M5.48M (29.9%)4.21M (23.0%)2.05M (11.2%)1.97M (10.7%)
1980 to 198916.30M4.52M (27.7%)3.32M (20.4%)1.82M (11.2%)1.72M (10.6%)
1990 to 199917.16M4.08M (23.8%)3.02M (17.6%)1.31M (7.6%)1.51M (8.8%)
2000 to 200916.16M3.61M (22.3%)2.66M (16.5%)1.11M (6.9%)1.22M (7.5%)
2010 to 20155.53M1.34M (24.2%)1.01M (18.3%)0.47M (8.5%)0.52M (9.4%)
2016 to 20204.56M0.96M (21.1%)0.72M (15.8%)0.33M (7.2%)0.33M (7.2%)

US Energy Information Administration, 2020 RECS, Table HC11.1. Bold rows are the four bands summed into this site’s 1950–1989 hazard-era window. Each cell shows the raw EIA figure in millions of households and, in parentheses, that figure as a share of the row’s total units.

EIA does not publish a combined 1950–1989 row; the bold-row sum (59.88M units, 29.4% any insecurity, ±0.34M) is a HyreElectrical calculation from the four published rows.

The more likely driver: insulation, not age

The same table cross-tabs energy insecurity against a home’s insulation adequacy, self-reported by the household, and the gap there is far wider than the one by construction era: well-insulated homes report energy insecurity at 19.2% (6.58 million of 34.34 million); poorly insulated homes at 46.0% (9.80 million of 21.29 million); homes with no insulation at 51.0% (1.85 million of 3.63 million). That is a wider spread than the construction-era gap and almost as wide as the income gradient below.

HYRE analysis. Older homes are more likely to be poorly insulated, so construction era is plausibly standing in for insulation and equipment condition rather than measuring an independent effect of its own — and certainly rather than measuring anything about a panel specifically. RECS’s public tables do not cross insulation against year built either, so this cannot be resolved into "how much of the era effect is really an insulation effect" from the tables available; it is named here as the more proximate and more likely explanation, not proven as one.

The income cross-tab: an eight-times gradient, unbroken

Any household energy insecurity, by 2020 annual household income, vs the 27.2% national rate0Less than $5,00058.0%$5,000-$9,99956.1%$10,000-$19,99946.8%$20,000-$39,99939.7%$40,000-$59,99929.3%$60,000-$99,99920.1%$100,000-$149,99911.1%$150,000 or more7.2%US Energy Information Administration, 2020 RECS, Table HC11.1, retrieved 6 September 2026.
Any household energy insecurity by 2020 income bracket, as points above or below the 27.2% national rate. The decline from 58.0% to 7.2% is unbroken across all eight brackets. US Energy Information Administration, 2020 RECS, Table HC11.1, retrieved 6 September 2026.

RECS asks 2020 annual household income in eight brackets, and the energy-insecurity rate falls in an unbroken line across every one of them: 58.0 per cent of households earning under $5,000 a year, 56.1 per cent at $5,000–$9,999, 46.8 per cent at $10,000–$19,999, 39.7 per cent at $20,000–$39,999, 29.3 per cent at $40,000–$59,999, 20.1 per cent at $60,000–$99,999, 11.1 per cent at $100,000–$149,999, and 7.2 per cent at $150,000 or more.

HYRE analysis. This is the sharpest and cleanest gradient on this page — an eight-times difference between the bottom and top brackets, with no reversal at any step. It is also, unlike the construction-era finding, exactly the shape a household-budget explanation predicts: energy insecurity as EIA defines it is fundamentally about the ability to pay, and income is the most direct measure of that ability the survey collects.

Energy insecurity by 2020 annual household income

Income bracketOccupied unitsAny energy insecurity
Less than $5,0004.48M2.60M (58.0%)
$5,000-$9,9994.01M2.25M (56.1%)
$10,000-$19,99910.25M4.80M (46.8%)
$20,000-$39,99924.07M9.56M (39.7%)
$40,000-$59,99919.61M5.74M (29.3%)
$60,000-$99,99927.71M5.57M (20.1%)
$100,000-$149,99916.54M1.84M (11.1%)
$150,000 or more16.86M1.22M (7.2%)

US Energy Information Administration, 2020 RECS, Table HC11.1, retrieved 6 September 2026.

Ranked by bracket, not by rate — the rate itself is already monotonic, falling at every step.

The tenure cross-tab: renters, roughly double, on every measure

Every energy-insecurity measure, owner-occupied vs renter-occupied households owner-occupied %    renter-occupied %0.010.721.332.042.7Any energy insecurity2.0xForgo food or medicine2.2xUnhealthy temperature2.1xDisconnect notice2.6xUnable to use heat1.5xUnable to use AC1.3x% of households in that tenure reporting the measure
All six energy-insecurity measures compared, owner-occupied against renter-occupied households. Renters report a higher rate on every single measure. US Energy Information Administration, 2020 RECS, Table HC11.1, retrieved 6 September 2026.

Owner-occupied households report energy insecurity at 20.4 per cent (16.92 million of 82.92 million); renter-occupied households at 41.0 per cent (16.66 million of 40.61 million) — almost exactly double, from a smaller base of homes. The gap holds on every one of EIA’s six specific measures: renters forgo food or medicine to pay an energy bill at 31.6 per cent against owners’ 14.2 per cent, and receive a disconnect or delivery-stop notice at 16.9 per cent against 6.6 per cent.

HYRE analysis. This site’s renter-tenure study already found that 48.7 per cent of renter-occupied homes sit in the 1950–1989 hazard-era window, against 46.2 per cent of owner-occupied homes — a real but modest gap in the same direction as this page’s construction-era finding. Laid on top of a roughly two-times energy-insecurity gap and this site’s established fact that a tenant cannot lawfully authorise a panel replacement, the three findings point the same way without any one of them, alone, proving the others: the household most likely to be renting a hazard-era home is also, independently, the household EIA finds most likely to already be behind on the energy bill — and the one with no legal standing to fix the panel even if it could afford to.

The one geography RECS actually supports: census region

RECS’s sample supports national, four-region and nine-division estimates — nothing finer. The South, which reports the largest volume of energy-insecure households at 14.00 million, also reports the highest rate: 29.9 per cent of its 46.84 million occupied homes, against 26.9 per cent in the West, 25.3 per cent in the Northeast and 24.3 per cent in the Midwest.

A scope note, stated because this site works from a five-state contractor store that is 74 per cent Florida. The South region in this table is Census-defined and includes Florida along with sixteen other states and DC; nothing in this section, or anywhere else on this page, uses HyreElectrical’s own contractor records. The South’s highest-in-the-country rate is federal survey data, reported here because it is true, not because it happens to overlap with where this site’s own coverage is concentrated.

Energy insecurity by census region

RegionOccupied unitsAny insecurityForgo food/medicineUnhealthy temperatureDisconnect notice
Northeast21.92M5.54M (25.3%)3.82M (17.4%)2.38M (10.9%)1.84M (8.4%)
Midwest27.04M6.58M (24.3%)4.87M (18.0%)2.01M (7.4%)2.80M (10.4%)
South46.84M14.00M (29.9%)10.66M (22.8%)4.65M (9.9%)5.69M (12.1%)
West27.72M7.46M (26.9%)5.25M (18.9%)3.16M (11.4%)2.02M (7.3%)

US Energy Information Administration, 2020 RECS, Table HC11.1, retrieved 6 September 2026.

RECS does not support state-level breakdowns; region is the finest cut available for this cross-tab.

What this cross-tab is actually useful for

  1. 1
    Sizing an equity argument, not diagnosing a single home

    These are population-level rates from a national sample, not a test of any specific house or household. A policymaker, journalist or advocate citing this page should cite the rate and its source table, not translate it into a claim about one address.

  2. 2
    Naming income and tenure as the sharper levers than home age alone

    If a programme has to choose one targeting criterion for a limited electrification or weatherization budget, this data says income and rental status separate energy-insecure households far more cleanly than construction era does on its own.

  3. 3
    Reading the renter finding alongside this site’s own tenure study

    The 41.0 per cent renter energy-insecurity rate and the 48.7 per cent renter share of the hazard-era stock are two separate federal findings. Together they describe a household that is simultaneously more likely to need the work and least able to compel it — the split-incentive problem that study already named, now with a second federal source behind it.

  4. 4
    Knowing what this page cannot tell a reader

    It cannot say whether any individual household’s energy insecurity traces to an old panel, poor insulation, an inefficient furnace or simply low income — the public data does not separate those causes, and this page does not pretend otherwise.

The evidence ladder, rung by rung

Four different kinds of statement sit on this page. Keeping them separate is the difference between a page a journalist can quote and one that gets a correction.

Rung 1 Federal survey cross-tab.
Every rate by year built, income and tenure, taken directly from EIA’s published table. Quotable as fact, within its RSE.
EIA RECS 2020, Table HC11.1
Rung 2 HYRE calculation.
The 1950–1989 sums, their combined RSE, and every percentage on this page — arithmetic performed on EIA’s published rows, not a number EIA itself states.
HyreElectrical, from HC11.1
Rung 3 HYRE analysis.
The synthesis across this page and this site’s two earlier studies — that the households most exposed to the hazard-era stock and least able to authorise repair are also the ones EIA finds most energy-insecure. An interpretation of three separately measured facts, not a fourth measurement.
Editorial synthesis
Rung 4 Not supported by any public table.
A single percentage for "low-income renters in hazard-era homes." No public RECS or ACS table crosses all three characteristics together, and this page does not manufacture one.
Absent from the record

Limitations

  • No joint cross-tab exists

    Year built, income and tenure are each cross-tabbed against energy insecurity separately in EIA’s public tables. Nothing here proves how the three interact together, and no single verified percentage exists for a household defined by more than one of them at once.

  • The construction-era gap is real but modest, and not unique to 1950–1989

    Homes built before 1950 report energy insecurity at essentially the same rate as the 1950–1989 window. The real break in the data is at 1990, across the whole pre-1990 housing stock, not specifically inside the panel-hazard years.

  • Insulation is a more likely driver than age itself

    The insulation-adequacy cross-tab shows a wider gap than the construction-era one. Older homes are more likely to be poorly insulated, so age may be standing in for insulation and equipment condition rather than measuring an independent effect — and this page cannot separate the two from the tables EIA publishes.

  • "Any household energy insecurity" is EIA’s own defined composite

    It covers only the issues RECS asks about directly, explicitly excludes energy burden as a share of income, and counts a household once even if it reports more than one issue. It is not this site’s definition and cannot be redefined from the published table.

  • RECS is self-reported household experience, not a technical audit

    These figures measure what a household told an interviewer about the past twelve months, not a verified utility disconnection record or an engineer’s assessment of the home. That is the correct instrument for measuring financial hardship and the wrong one for measuring equipment condition.

  • Small subgroups carry wide margins

    The two rarest measures — unable to use heating equipment, unable to use air-conditioning equipment — carry relative standard errors as high as 32 to 39 per cent in the smallest income and year-built cells. Those two measures are reported here at the national and tenure level only, where the samples are largest.

  • National only, by design

    RECS supports national, census-region and census-division estimates. It does not support state-level breakdowns for a cross-tab this specific, which is why this page — unlike this site’s ACS-based studies — carries no state table.

Method

Primary source. US Energy Information Administration, 2020 Residential Energy Consumption Survey, Table HC11.1, "Household energy insecurity." The workbook states a final data release date of August 2025, revising a March 2022 preliminary release "to correct energy bill payment method rows" in a May 2022 update; the figures on this page come from the August 2025 final release, retrieved 6 September 2026.

Derivation. The 1950–1989 sums are the four RECS year-built rows "1950 to 1959," "1960 to 1969," "1970 to 1979" and "1980 to 1989" added together, for total occupied units and for each of four outcome columns (any insecurity, forgo food or medicine, unhealthy temperature, disconnect notice). Relative standard errors on the summed "any insecurity" estimate are combined as the square root of the sum of the squared component absolute errors (each row’s published RSE multiplied by its value), the same root-sum-of-squares method this site’s ACS-based studies use for derived sums — applied here to EIA’s published RSEs rather than the Census Bureau’s margins of error, which are not the same statistic: EIA states its RSEs at one standard error, not the Bureau’s 90 per cent confidence convention.

What this page reuses, and what it does not. The 1950–1989 window and its 67.1-million-unit ACS total are established in the hazard-era study and are cited, not re-derived. Every RECS figure on this page — the year-built, income, tenure and insulation cross-tabs — is newly pulled from HC11.1, a table neither earlier study uses.

Reproducibility. HC11.1 is a single public workbook with a companion RSE sheet. Anyone with the file can rebuild every sum and percentage on this page from the rows cited.

Questions

What share of US households report energy insecurity?
27.2 per cent — 33.58 million of the 123.53 million occupied primary homes EIA’s 2020 Residential Energy Consumption Survey covers — reported at least one of three issues in the past 12 months: reducing or forgoing food or medicine to pay an energy bill, leaving home at an unsafe temperature, or receiving a disconnection or delivery-stop notice.
Are older homes more likely to have energy-insecure occupants?
Modestly, yes, but the effect is not specific to any one construction era. Every decade band built before 1990 reports energy insecurity at 27.7 to 30.7 per cent; every band from 1990 on reports 21.1 to 24.2 per cent. The 1950–1989 window this site’s hazard-era panel study defined sits at 29.4 per cent, about the same as homes built before 1950 (29.4 per cent) and well above the 25.1 per cent rate outside the window.
Is this the same "hazard era" as the electrical panel study?
It reuses the same 1950–1989 window that study defined for Federal Pacific and Zinsco installation years, but this page’s data comes from a different federal survey — EIA’s RECS, not Census ACS — and the pattern found here (a break at 1990, not specifically at 1950–1989) is broader than the panel-hazard years alone. Homes built before 1950, outside that window entirely, report a nearly identical rate.
Do renters report more energy insecurity than homeowners?
Yes, on every measure EIA asks about. Renters report any energy insecurity at 41.0 per cent against 20.4 per cent for owners — roughly double — and the gap holds for forgoing food or medicine (31.6 per cent vs 14.2 per cent) and for receiving a disconnect notice (16.9 per cent vs 6.6 per cent).
How much does income affect the odds of reporting energy insecurity?
By far the largest gradient on this page: 58.0 per cent of households earning under $5,000 a year report energy insecurity, falling in an unbroken line to 7.2 per cent of households earning $150,000 or more — an eight-times difference across eight income brackets.
Does this data prove low-income renters in old homes are the most affected?
No, and this page does not claim it does. EIA’s public tables cross year built, income and tenure against energy insecurity one characteristic at a time; no public table crosses all three together. What the page shows is three separate, independently sourced findings that point the same direction, not one combined measurement.
What exactly counts as "household energy insecurity" in this data?
EIA’s own definition, stated in the table’s footnote: it includes only the issues collected in the RECS questionnaire — forgoing food or medicine, unhealthy indoor temperature, and a disconnect or delivery-stop notice, plus separately reported inability to use heating or air-conditioning equipment. It explicitly excludes energy costs as a share of household income, which some researchers also treat as a form of energy insecurity.
Does an old or hazardous panel cause energy insecurity?
This data cannot say that, and does not try to. The insulation-adequacy cross-tab in the same table shows a wider gap (19.2 per cent for well-insulated homes vs 51.0 per cent for homes with no insulation) than the construction-era gap, which suggests insulation and equipment condition are the more proximate drivers — and older homes are simply more likely to have both an aging panel and poor insulation, not that one causes the other.

Written and audited by

HyreElectrical Research Desk

Primary-source research and fact checking

We read the model code, the federal safety notice, the municipal fee sheet or the utility tariff ourselves, and we publish the figure with the document it came from and the date we retrieved it. Where a number cannot be traced to a primary source, we publish the shorter page and say what we could not verify. HyreElectrical does not perform, supervise or warrant electrical work. Authorship is organisational: this desk, not a named persona.

10
long-form launch pages in this layout
5
states with verified licence records
16,369
electrical companies in those records
74%
of the store is Florida — disclosed first, not footnoted

How this desk works

  • Primary sources only. Code statements come from NFPA 70 as the model code. Safety statements come from CPSC. Permit fees come from the city or county fee sheet. Utility charges come from the filed tariff. We do not cite a blog that cites a source; we open the source.
  • Our contractor store is five states, and 74% of it is Florida. Any figure built on that store is titled to those states and names the concentration in the first screen. It is not a national sample of electricians.
  • Load calculations on this site are a published simplification in the shape of NEC 220.82 — first 10 kVA at 100%, remainder at 40%, HVAC at 100%, EVSE at 125%. They are labelled as not a stamped calculation. A licensed electrician using the adopted edition does that work.
  • No national price for a panel upgrade is shipped. Labour rates, the adopted code edition, whether the utility is involved, and the state of the existing wiring move the invoice too far for a roundup to help. Cost intent lives on the cost page; this page explains the decision.
  • We do not perform electrical work, and we take no payment for placement, ranking or a favourable mention. Nobody buys a position on this site.

Data as of 6 September 2026. Authorship on this site is organisational: the analysis belongs to the desk rather than to a named individual, and we do not publish credentials we do not hold. Our editorial policy sets out how we source, date and correct what we publish.

Sources & retrieval dates

  1. US Energy Information Administration — 2020 Residential Energy Consumption Survey, Table HC11.1 (Household Energy Insecurity) , Cross-tabulations of six energy-insecurity outcome measures against housing and household characteristics including year of construction, 2020 annual household income, ownership of housing unit, and adequacy of insulation, with a companion relative-standard-error workbook. Final data release date August 2025. Retrieved 6 September 2026.
  2. US Energy Information Administration — 2020 RECS Methodology Report (June 2022, revised March 2023) , States EIA’s relative-standard-error convention (one standard error) for RECS estimates, cited here for the distinction from the Census Bureau’s 90 per cent margin-of-error convention this site’s ACS-based studies use. Retrieved 6 September 2026.
  3. US Department of Energy — Affordable and Equitable Residential Electrification Under Electrical Panel and Service Constraints , DOE program page cited for the "not always feasible — especially for low-income families" framing on panel-upgrade affordability. Retrieved 6 September 2026.
  4. US Energy Information Administration — Copyright and Reuse of EIA Data , EIA’s data-reuse terms, cited for this page’s dataset licence reference. Retrieved 6 September 2026.

Looking for help with an upgrade, not just the data

Home energy insecurity is covered here as research, not as a funding directory. The incentives guide below covers what federal and state programmes actually exist today, and the panel-upgrade page explains the work itself in plain terms before you talk to an electrician.

See what assistance exists How panel upgrades work

HyreElectrical does not perform, supervise or warrant electrical work, and takes no payment for placement, ranking or favourable mention. This page uses no data from HyreElectrical’s own contractor records — every figure is federal survey data from the Energy Information Administration or, where cited, the Census Bureau. Nothing on this page is financial, legal or energy-assistance eligibility advice; contact the cited programmes directly for current rules.